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Classical NEG RaisingAn Essay on the Syntax of Negation$
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Chris Collins and Paul M. Postal

Print publication date: 2014

Print ISBN-13: 9780262027311

Published to MIT Press Scholarship Online: September 2015

DOI: 10.7551/mitpress/9780262027311.001.0001

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Strict NPIs and Locality

Strict NPIs and Locality

Chapter:
(p.93) 10 Strict NPIs and Locality
Source:
Classical NEG Raising
Author(s):

Chris Collins

Paul M. Postal

Publisher:
The MIT Press
DOI:10.7551/mitpress/9780262027311.003.0010

This chapter addresses the commonly suggested semantic condition that a strict negative polarity item (NPI) occurs in the scope of an antiadditive operator, arguing that it is not sufficient to account for the distribution of strict NPIs. It first considers a context that is antiadditive (hence decreasing) but nonetheless does not allow strict NPIs by presenting the following cases: I didn't find a person who ate vegetables and I didn't find a person who ate green vegetables. The first sentence clearly entails the second, indicating that the context “I didn't find a person who ate__” is decreasing. A similar deduction goes through if the subject of the main clause is a negative quantifier determiner phrase. The chapter then gives more examples suggesting that the distribution of strict NPIs cannot be accounted for simply in terms of a requirement to appear in an antiadditive context. It also examines Gajewski's proposal, the main thrust of which is the development of a Bartsch-style approach to Classical NEG Raising (NR) that can account for the fact that strict NPIs are licensed in the complement of negated Classical NR predicates.

Keywords:   negative polarity item, antiadditive, negative quantifier, determiner phrase, Classical NEG Raising, Classical NR predicates

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