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Classical NEG RaisingAn Essay on the Syntax of Negation$
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Chris Collins and Paul M. Postal

Print publication date: 2014

Print ISBN-13: 9780262027311

Published to MIT Press Scholarship Online: September 2015

DOI: 10.7551/mitpress/9780262027311.001.0001

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NEG Raising from Scope Positions

NEG Raising from Scope Positions

Chapter:
(p.45) 5 NEG Raising from Scope Positions
Source:
Classical NEG Raising
Author(s):

Chris Collins

Paul M. Postal

Publisher:
The MIT Press
DOI:10.7551/mitpress/9780262027311.003.0005

This chapter focuses on the assumption that the negative polarity item (NPI) phrase occupies a scope position as well as the object position, suggesting that NEG raising takes place only from the scope position. It also claims that [[NEG SOME] thing] must occupy a scope position, a common assumption in the syntax and semantics literature; that for a determiner phrase (DP) with a scope occurrence, the scope occurrence is the unique available launching point for NEG raising; and that if the NEGs of quantifier DPs raise out of nonscope positions, “overgeneration” will result in certain clear cases, whereas if such raising can only launch from scope positions, the overgeneration is avoided. In the sentence Rodney claimed that Evelyn did not own any cheetah, the scope of the quantifier DP is internal to the complement clause. The chapter also considers a structure with negation in the main clause in the sentence Rodney did not claim that Evelyn owned any cheetah.

Keywords:   negative polarity item, NEG raising, scope position, syntax, semantics, determiner phrase, complement clause, negation, main clause

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