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Agreement and Its Failures$
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Omer Preminger

Print publication date: 2014

Print ISBN-13: 9780262027403

Published to MIT Press Scholarship Online: January 2015

DOI: 10.7551/mitpress/9780262027403.001.0001

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A Derivational Account of Absolutive Agreement in Kichean

A Derivational Account of Absolutive Agreement in Kichean

Chapter:
(p.29) 4 A Derivational Account of Absolutive Agreement in Kichean
Source:
Agreement and Its Failures
Author(s):

Omer Preminger

Publisher:
The MIT Press
DOI:10.7551/mitpress/9780262027403.003.0004

This chapter presents a derivational account of agreement in the Kichean Agent-Focus (AF) construction, and of absolutive agreement in Kichean more generally. The account is based on the notion of relativized probing (see also Bejar & Rezac 2003, 2009, Nevins 2007), and builds on Bejar & Rezac's (2003) account of the Person Case Constraint (PCC), also known as the *Me-Lui Constraint. The chapter begins with an exposition of the PCC and Bejar & Rezac's account of it. It proceeds to discuss the mechanism of relativized probing, and to show how it can account for omnivorous agreement in the Kichean AF construction. The author argues furthermore that the differences between phi-feature agreement in Kichean and in other languages favor a geometric view of phi-features (Harley & Ritter 2002, McGinnis 2005). Next, the author shows how the proposed account derives the AF person restriction, as well as the morphophonological properties of absolutive agreement markers in Kichean. He also explores several alternative analyses and compares them with the proposed account. The chapter concludes with a discussion of absolutive agreement in run-of-the-mill transitive and intransitive clauses in Kichean.

Keywords:   syntax, morphology, Kichean, Mayan, agreement, Agent-Focus, relativized probing, Person Case Constraint (PCC), clitic doubling, phi-feature geometry

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