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Classical NEG RaisingAn Essay on the Syntax of Negation$
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Chris Collins and Paul M. Postal

Print publication date: 2014

Print ISBN-13: 9780262027311

Published to MIT Press Scholarship Online: September 2015

DOI: 10.7551/mitpress/9780262027311.001.0001

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Strict NPIs and Locality

Strict NPIs and Locality

(p.93) 10 Strict NPIs and Locality
Classical NEG Raising

Chris Collins

Paul M. Postal

The MIT Press

This chapter addresses the commonly suggested semantic condition that a strict negative polarity item (NPI) occurs in the scope of an antiadditive operator, arguing that it is not sufficient to account for the distribution of strict NPIs. It first considers a context that is antiadditive (hence decreasing) but nonetheless does not allow strict NPIs by presenting the following cases: I didn't find a person who ate vegetables and I didn't find a person who ate green vegetables. The first sentence clearly entails the second, indicating that the context “I didn't find a person who ate__” is decreasing. A similar deduction goes through if the subject of the main clause is a negative quantifier determiner phrase. The chapter then gives more examples suggesting that the distribution of strict NPIs cannot be accounted for simply in terms of a requirement to appear in an antiadditive context. It also examines Gajewski's proposal, the main thrust of which is the development of a Bartsch-style approach to Classical NEG Raising (NR) that can account for the fact that strict NPIs are licensed in the complement of negated Classical NR predicates.

Keywords:   negative polarity item, antiadditive, negative quantifier, determiner phrase, Classical NEG Raising, Classical NR predicates

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