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Classical NEG RaisingAn Essay on the Syntax of Negation$
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Chris Collins and Paul M. Postal

Print publication date: 2014

Print ISBN-13: 9780262027311

Published to MIT Press Scholarship Online: September 2015

DOI: 10.7551/mitpress/9780262027311.001.0001

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Islands: Preliminaries

Islands: Preliminaries

(p.103) 11 Islands: Preliminaries
Classical NEG Raising

Chris Collins

Paul M. Postal

The MIT Press

This chapter shows that Classical NEG Raising (NR) is sensitive to syntactic islands and describes the islands resulting from clausal passivization and topicalization. It first considers strict negative polarity items (NPIs) and how some Classical NR predicates allow their clausal complements to be passivized or topicalized. This is evident in the verb believe. When a clausal complement of believe contains a strict NPI whose negation (NEG) has undergone Classical NR to the matrix clause, then passivization or topicalization is impossible. Several examples are given to illustrate this generalization. The chapter then discusses a schema in which Classical NR is not blocked by the fact that topics are islands, since raising of the NEG from the clausal object position is not raising out of an island. In particular, it examines an instance of remnant movement of the finite clause from which NEG has raised. Finally, it explains the c-Command Condition on Movement.

Keywords:   syntactic islands, Classical NEG Raising, passivization, topicalization, negative polarity items, Classical NR predicates, clausal complements, negation, remnant movement, c-Command Condition

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