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Agreement and Its Failures$
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Omer Preminger

Print publication date: 2014

Print ISBN-13: 9780262027403

Published to MIT Press Scholarship Online: January 2015

DOI: 10.7551/mitpress/9780262027403.001.0001

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Where's φ ? In Syntax.

Where's φ ? In Syntax.

(p.177) 9 Where's φ ? In Syntax.
Agreement and Its Failures

Omer Preminger

The MIT Press

This chapter has two main threads. The first concerns the question of the modular locus of phi-feature agreement (phi-agreement). Bobaljik (2008) claims that phi-agreement is postsyntactic, because it tracks morphological case, itself argued to be postsyntactic (Marantz 1991). The author argues that this premise-that morphological case is postsyntactic-is false, and argue from the results of previous chapters that phi-agreement, as well as morphological case, must be computed within syntax proper. The second thread is case-theoretic: the author presents a syntactic case calculus whose results are roughly equivalent to Marantz’s (1991) algorithm. This move is forced, in a sense, by the aforementioned conclusions regarding the modular locus of case and agreement. However, this same syntactic reimplementation is shown to derive the disjunctive case hierarchy-a stipulation, on Marantz's original account-directly from the bottom-up, incremental nature of syntactic structure-building.

Keywords:   syntax, morphology, case, agreement, (non-)quirky-subject languages, disjunctive case hierarchy, Sakha, postsyntactic, morphological case, case competition

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