That Obligatory Control (OC) is fundamentally a dual phenomenon is an old theme in generative grammar, which appears in different guises: VP vs. NP complements, PRO vs. deleted reflexive, predication vs. coindexing, functional vs. anaphoric control, restructuring vs. non-restructuring, property-denoting vs. propositional complements, etc. Most of these divisions are regretfully based on the availability of an English-specific construction, the for-infinitive. This study offers a new take on this old theme. The duality of OC we pursue is firmly grounded in the semantic type of the matrix predicate: attitude vs. nonattitude predicates. We will also see that it has syntactic consequences for the categorial size of the clausal complement. Our starting point will be the empirical landscape of clausal complementation described in Landau’s Agree model.
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